이미 소장하고 있다면 판매해 보세요.
- 국내배송만 가능
- 문화비소득공제 가능
책소개
목차
|
서 문 ············································································································ 3
제1장 약소국 연구와 중부유럽 ······································································· 17 1. 약소국 연구 경향과 중부유럽 ···································································· 17 2. 약소국을 어떻게 정의할 것인가? ································································ 30 3. 약소국은 위협에 어떻게 대응하는가? ·························································· 38 4. 탈냉전 시기의 새로운 동맹 전략 ································································ 48 제2장 중부유럽 약소국의 권력자원과 전략 ······················································ 51 1. ‘완충지대’로서의 중부유럽 ········································································· 51 2. 중부유럽의 비대칭적 권력자원 ··································································· 56 3. 지역특화와 지역협력 전략 ········································································· 65 제3장 양차대전 시기 중부유럽의 외교, 안보정책 ·············································· 71 1. 가상사실과 약소국의 안보 ········································································· 71 2. 직접적인 위협을 받는 약소국의 선택 ·························································· 75 3. 국내문제와 안보의 진공 ············································································ 82 4. 중부유럽 국가의 대안적 선택 ···································································· 91 5. 약소국의 대안적 안보 방안 ······································································· 97 제4장 WTO와 CMEA를 통한 사회주의 동맹체제 ·············································· 99 1. 2차대전과 해방자로서의 소련 ···································································· 99 2. 전후 중부유럽과 공산주의 혁명 ································································ 104 3. 바르샤바조약기구(WTO)를 통한 군사, 정치적 통제 ····································· 110 4. 경제상호원조회의(CMEA) ········································································· 121 5. 동맹을 통한 구속과 통합의 실패 ······························································ 132 제5장 동맹의 해체와 중부유럽의 체제전환 ····················································· 133 1. 페레스트로이카와 시나트라 독트린 ··························································· 133 2. WTO의 전략, 전술 변화와 해체 ······························································· 134 3. CMEA의 해체와 동유럽의 경제개혁 ·························································· 141 4. 체제전환 직후의 중부유럽 ······································································· 149 5. 중부유럽 약소국의 새로운 도전 ································································ 159 제6장 북대서양조약기구(NATO)와 군사 안보 ················································· 163 1. 새로운 무인지대 ····················································································· 163 2. 중부유럽 지역협력: 양자협력과 다자협력 ··················································· 167 3. 유럽안보협력기구(OSCE;CSCE)를 통한 규범적 안보 ··································· 171 4. NATO 가입을 통한 군사적 안보 ······························································ 175 5. 권력의 진공과 안전보장 ·········································································· 186 제7장 EU 가입과 경제 안보 ········································································ 189 1. 중부유럽의 EU 가입 ··············································································· 189 2. 하나의 유럽과 EU 가입의 성과 ································································ 201 3. ‘유럽으로의 복귀’와 새로운 안보위협 ························································ 207 제8장 비세그라드를 통한 지역협력과 EU에서의 영향력 ··································· 209 1. 중부유럽 지역협력 ·················································································· 209 2. 비세그라드 협력의 전개 ·········································································· 211 3. EU에서 중부유럽 4개국 협력 ··································································· 218 4. 비세그라드를 통한 ‘단일한 목소리’ ··························································· 232 제9장 중부유럽의 새로운 외교, 안보전략 ······················································· 237 1. 권력의 진공과 새로운 안보 ······································································ 237 2. 체제 전환 직후 중부유럽 국가의 안보전략 ················································ 239 3. 군사적 안보: 서유럽과 러시아 사이의 가교 ··············································· 244 4. 새로운 안보환경과 안보전략 ···································································· 253 5. 새로운 안보 방안 ··················································································· 260 제10장 중부유럽의 유럽화: 외교, 안보 이해와 전략 변화 ································ 263 1. 다차원적 유럽화 ····················································································· 263 2. 제도와 절차 변화 ··················································································· 267 3. 이해와 선호의 변화 ················································································ 272 4. 전략과 전략적 행동의 변화 ······································································ 283 5. 유럽화와 이해, 관심영역의 확산 ······························································· 293 제11장 한국-중부유럽 4개국 관계의 발전 ····················································· 297 1. 한국-중부유럽 4개국 교역, 투자관계 ························································ 297 2. 한국의 중부유럽 4개국 교역, 투자 현황과 특성 ········································· 299 3. 4개국 교역 전략과 한국-중부유럽 무역구조 개선 ······································· 311 4. 4개국의 새로운 FDI 유치 전략과 한국의 투자 ··········································· 316 5. 한국-4개국 교역, 투자증진과 중견국 외교 확산 ········································· 322 참고문헌 ··································································································· 327 |
저자 소개 1
한국외국어대학교 국제관계학과에서 정치학 박사학위를 취득한 후 체코 프라하 카렐대학교(Karlova Univerzita) 교환교수, 한국외대 동유럽발칸연구소 학술연구교수, 동대학 체코슬로바키어과 조교수를 역임했으며, 현재 서강대학교 국제지역연구소 연구교수로 재직하고 있다.
그동안 『전략지역심층연구(2016)』, 『과거청산과 통합(2016)』, 『중부유럽 4개국의 경제산업구조 변화와 입지 경쟁력 분석(2014)』, 『동유럽 체제전환 과정과 통일 한국에 주는 의미(2014)』, 『체코와 국제정치: 역사적 쟁점과 새로운 의제(2013)』 등을 작성했다.
주요 논문으로는 “반-유로
한국외국어대학교 국제관계학과에서 정치학 박사학위를 취득한 후 체코 프라하 카렐대학교(Karlova Univerzita) 교환교수, 한국외대 동유럽발칸연구소 학술연구교수, 동대학 체코슬로바키어과 조교수를 역임했으며, 현재 서강대학교 국제지역연구소 연구교수로 재직하고 있다.
그동안 『전략지역심층연구(2016)』, 『과거청산과 통합(2016)』, 『중부유럽 4개국의 경제산업구조 변화와 입지 경쟁력 분석(2014)』, 『동유럽 체제전환 과정과 통일 한국에 주는 의미(2014)』, 『체코와 국제정치: 역사적 쟁점과 새로운 의제(2013)』 등을 작성했다.
주요 논문으로는 “반-유로, 반-난민, 반-기성의 정치: 2017년 10월 체코 총선을 중심으로(2018),” “비세그라드 협력: 에너지 안보와 ‘에너지-기후 패키지’에 대한 공동의 대응과 EU 아젠다 변경(2018),” “제트-레그 증상 극복과‘정책-설정자’로의 전환: 비세그라드 협력(2017),” “공산국가에서의 대규모 난민 발생과 통과국의 역할: 1956년 헝가리, 1968년 체코슬로바키아의 대규모 난민 사태를 중심으로(2016),” “비세그라드 4개국(V4) ODA ‘이행경험 이전’ 전략과 효율성 증진 방안(2016),” “마사리크(T. G. Masaryk)의 민주주의: 재해석과 현대적 평가(2015),” “선거제도 변화의 영향 분석: 체코의 하원 선거법과 대통령 선거법 개정을 사례로(2014)” 등이 있다.
그동안 『전략지역심층연구(2016)』, 『과거청산과 통합(2016)』, 『중부유럽 4개국의 경제산업구조 변화와 입지 경쟁력 분석(2014)』, 『동유럽 체제전환 과정과 통일 한국에 주는 의미(2014)』, 『체코와 국제정치: 역사적 쟁점과 새로운 의제(2013)』 등을 작성했다.
주요 논문으로는 “반-유로, 반-난민, 반-기성의 정치: 2017년 10월 체코 총선을 중심으로(2018),” “비세그라드 협력: 에너지 안보와 ‘에너지-기후 패키지’에 대한 공동의 대응과 EU 아젠다 변경(2018),” “제트-레그 증상 극복과‘정책-설정자’로의 전환: 비세그라드 협력(2017),” “공산국가에서의 대규모 난민 발생과 통과국의 역할: 1956년 헝가리, 1968년 체코슬로바키아의 대규모 난민 사태를 중심으로(2016),” “비세그라드 4개국(V4) ODA ‘이행경험 이전’ 전략과 효율성 증진 방안(2016),” “마사리크(T. G. Masaryk)의 민주주의: 재해석과 현대적 평가(2015),” “선거제도 변화의 영향 분석: 체코의 하원 선거법과 대통령 선거법 개정을 사례로(2014)” 등이 있다.
김신규의 다른 상품
품목정보
- 발행일
- 2018년 10월 30일
- 쪽수, 무게, 크기
- 356쪽 | 153*224*30mm
- ISBN13
- 9791159014277
책 속으로
|
약소국이 세상의 주목을 받고 연구의 대상으로 떠오른 것은 1차대전 이후였다. 1차대전으로 독일, 러시아, 오스트리아 제국이 해체되고 제국의 지배를 받고 있던 민족들이 새로이 독립하거나 혹은 주권을 되찾게 됨에 따라 유럽에서는 수많은 약소국이 등장했다. 이들 약소국은 국제연맹과 같은 국제기구에 가입하면서 더 이상 역사와 현실에서 조연에 머무르지 않겠다는 의지를 드러냈지만, 당분간은 결코 주인공이 될 수 없었다. 이 시기 약소국들은 국제법과 국제기구를 통해 평화가 유지될 것이라 기대하면서, 규범과 이상에 안보를 위탁하려는 경향이 강했으며 심지어 몇몇 국가들은 집단안보에 의존하면서 스스로 무장해제하기도 했다. 신생약소국의 입장에서는 자력으로 강대국의 위협을 막아낸다는 것이 환상에 불과했기 때문에, 오히려 국방력을 대폭 감축하여 강대국이나 인접국에 대한 위협 의도가 전혀 없음을 밝힘으로써 안전을 보장받겠다는 일종의 ‘방위 무용론(defence nihilism)’을 공개적으로 천명한 것이었다. 그러나 유럽과 일본에서 파시즘이 등장하면서 약소국들의 낙관적 평화관은 완전히 사라졌다.
2차대전 이후에는 냉전체제로 인해 모든 관심이 양극체제와 냉전에 집중되었다. 이 때문에 1960년대 식민지가 해방되면서 수많은 약소국이 생겨났음에도 불구하고, 약소국 연구에는 별다른 진전이 없었다. 그러나 이 시기에 비로소 약소국에 대한 본격적인 연구가 시작될 조짐이 나타났다. 국제연합과 같은 국제기구에 대한 기대가 줄어들면서, 국제관계를 이상주의 관점으로 바라보던 시각이 현실주의 관점으로 바뀌었고, 이제 가장 중요한 문제는 국가의 생존을 어떻게 달성하는지가 되었다. 약소국들은 강대국의 관대한 처분만을 기대할 수 없음을 인식했고 강대국의 틈바구니 속에서 어떻게 생존할 것인지의 문제를 두고 고민하지 않을 수 없었다. 바로 이런 현실에서 약소국의 생존이 학문적 관심의 대상으로 떠올랐다. 미국과 소련 등 강대국의 입장에서는 약소국이 군사, 안보적인 측면에서 별다른 도움이 되지 않을 것으로 보였지만, 어느 약소국을 상대편에 빼앗길 경우 전체적인 안보구조가 위험에 빠질 수 있음을 인식하면서 점차 약소국에 관심을 기울이기 시작했다.(생략) --- 본문 중에서 |
