Japanese Colonial Context in the Early Making of Korean Anthropology

Hyup Choi
Chonnam National University

1. Introduction

Anthropology, from its beginning, has maintained the tradition of studying other culture. In doing so, anthropologists have long been considered their prime activity, specifically ethnography which has focused on structural depictions of culture, as an objective representation of other culture.
The issues surrounding cultural representation and/or misrepresentation have long been attracted various scholars' attention. Edward Said was one of the first notable scholars who added politico-economic dimension to the discussion by raising the issue of social construction of reality and entailed problem of representing others. In his seminal book Orientalism (1979), Said insisted that the East existed as the 'other' whose function was to define the West. According to him, the East is the construct of the Western ideas. His argument was powerful and convincing. Hence, many anthropologists have been concerned with the relationship of ethnographic representation to political and historical context. Especially, with the advent of postmodern anthropology, the construction of facts, history, and knowledge became a central issue. Postmodernists claim that all knowledge is relative, all voices are equal, therefore 'We' can only 'invent,' rather than more or less accurately come to know, the 'other.' If Said and postmodern anthropologists are correct, representing Korean culture by foreign anthropologists entails objectifying Korea as the 'other.'
As a geographical field of interest, Korea has received very little attention by foreign anthropologists. However, there is one exception - Japanese. Japanese have accumulated large volume of research results on Korea since the beginning of the 20th century.
Japan has a long history of studying Korean peninsula. Most of the studies done before 1945 were carried out in connection with the Japanese colonial expansion in Korea. To aid the colonial rule, the Japanese colonial government initiated various studies on the Korean peninsula, at first, studies on geography and natural resources, and later on history, society, and culture.
The Japanese colonial empire was defeated in the Second World War, and the academic climate of Japan has changed. Since 1945, a new breed of anthropologists has been educated, and they have produced diverse and numerous anthropological studies concerning Korean culture and society. Considering the large amount of the works which has been accumulated by the succeeding generations of Japanese anthropologists, it is regrettable that no systematic attempt has been made to review and evaluate existing literature on Korean society and culture which was produced by Japanese anthropologists thus far.
A brief review of the relevant literature reveals that there are only several brief attempts to analyze and evaluate the studies on Korea carried out by the Japanese: Hyun-soo Park (1980, 1982), and Kyung-soo Chun (2002a, 2002b). Park who examined the colonial Japanese works on Korea concluded that Japanese imperialism, up until the end of World War II, mobilized ethnology (i.e., anthropology) and its methodology for governing the occupied Korea. Recently, Kyung-soo Chun wrote on the subject. In his paper (2002a) which was delivered at the 34th annual meeting of Korean Society for Cultural Anthropology, Chun examined the characteristics of the studies carried out by anthropologists at Keijo Imperial University. Chun's another paper (2002b) also dealt with anthropological works of the colonial era: the title of his paper is "East Asian Multiculturalism and Imperialistic Centralization: Focusing on Japanese Ethnology in Histroy." Although these papers by Park and Chun are useful as they provide historical description of the Japanese activities during the colonial period, their focus of analysis is rather diffused and does not provide contextual explanation of the specified activities.
Considering the paucity of the studies which are concerned with the Japanese's works on Korea, there exists a certain research need to fill the gap. The purpose of this paper is to examine the nature and context of sociocultural studies done by the Japanese anthropologists and related personnels during the Japanese colonial era. The focus of my discussion will be limited to the situation before 1945, the year the Japanese colonial occupation ended. Underlying assumption in this paper is that the Japanese imperial power used anthropology for controlling and dominating Korea, then a colony of Imperial Japan, and, such colonial circumstances provided a historical context within which Korean anthropology was born.

2. Anthropology and colonial encounter

Before we begin our discussion about how and when anthropology was introduced in Korea by Japanese, it is of utmost importance to consider the historical context in which such introduction was made: that of colonial invasion of Korea by Japanese. According to Asad, who pioneered study on the relationship between anthropology and colonialism, "imperial forces permitted anthropological studies to take place since the colonial power structure made the object of anthropological study accessible and safe - because of it sustained physical proximity between the observing European (i.e., colonizer) and the living non-European (i.e., colonized) became a practical possibility"(1973: 19). Furthermore, Asad made another important point: "Anthropologists can claim to have contributed to the cultural heritage of the societies they study by a sympathetic recording of indigenous forms of life that would have been left to posterity. But they have also contributed, sometimes indirectly, towards maintaining the structure of power represented by the colonial system" (ibid., 17). For this reason, looking through the eyes of the colonized, the word (anthropological) 'research' can be one of the dirtiest words in the indigenous world's vocabulary. Indeed, the way in which social studies under the banner of scientific research has been implicated in the worst excesses of imperialism remains a powerful remembered history for many of the world's colonized peoples. Thus, Linda Tuhiwai Smith, who is a leading theorist on decolonization of Maori, persuasively argued that anthropological (or scientific) researches "galls us that Western researchers and intellectuals can assume to know all that it is possible to know of us, on the basis of their brief encounters with some of us. It appalls us that the West can desire, extract and claim ownership of our ways of knowing, our imagery, the things we create and produce, and then simultaneously reject the people who created and developed those ideas and seek to deny them further opportunities to be creators of their own culture and own nations" (1999: 1). Then, it seems very clear, in any considerations regarding anthropological researches under colonial rule, "it is surely difficult to discuss it without understanding the complex ways in which the pursuit of knowledge is deeply embedded in the multiple layers of imperial and colonial practices" (ibid., 2). Korean experience during the late nineteenth and the early twentieth centuries provided similar situation.
From the late nineteenth century, Japan sought to incorporate the Korean Peninsula into its expanding empire. Japan, which had desired exclusive domination of the Korean peninsula, finally declared war on Russia in 1904, and dispatched two army divisions to Korea to occupy Seoul and other important locations as bases for their operations. Russo-Japanese war was ended in Japan's victory, thus, Japan was able to strengthen their military domination over Korean peninsula. In 1906, Japan set up a Bureau for the Governor-General in Seoul to manage not only Korea's diplomatic but internal affairs as well, thereby extending the effects of the Japanese invasion to the police force and judiciary powers as well. In 1910, Japan finally took away Korea's, then, nominal sovereignty and turned Korea into a Japanese colony.
During the colonial period (1910-1945), Japan advertised as a national goal the assimilation of Koreans into the Japanese state. However, in reality, Japan's so called assimilation policy was in effect a policy designed to eradicate Korean culture by gradually replacing it with Japanese culture. It was, indeed, an attempt not merely to colonize but to Japanize Korea, and this could only be done by eliminating everything Korean (Caprio, 2009). Thus, for example, one of the first thing the Japanese Governor- General ordered in 1910 was a nationwide search for books on Korean history and geography. The result of the search was that 200,000 to 300,000 books were confiscated and burned. Included in the proscription were Korean history books, biographies of national heroes of earlier centuries, and Korean translations of foreign books relating to independence, the birth of the nation, revolution, etc. The colonial authority also prohibited public education related to the Korean language and Korean history. Then, in the later part of the 1930s, it became illegal to speak Korean in classrooms. Koreans were also forced to worship at Japanese Shinto shrines. Toward the end of colonial rule, in 1939, Koreans were even forced to change their names to Japanese names, and more than 80 percent of the Koreans complied with the name-change ordinance under the pressure.
In the mean time, Japanese authorities mobilized intellectuals so as to put serious amount of energy into activities justifying their colonial domination over Korea, working in every direction, international, domestic. Jimin Kim (2011) who examined the Japanese materials aimed at rationalizing their occupation of Korea vis a vis the international audience concludes:

Japan's English-language publications about Korea firstly intended to demonstrate to the world that Koreans were unfit to rule themselves and therefore could not participate as subjects in international terms, and that Japan had an inevitable burden of civilizing the country for the benefit of both countries.
As there were almost no other English-language works about Korean history or society than publications by the Japanese government, Japan's English-language accounts about Korea were viewed as the most convincing and trustworthy source of information about Korea. Based on Japan's publication about its rule in Korea, an editorial in an American journal, Nation, wrote that Japan was thoroughly developing Korea (p.33).

In addition, Japanese authority, from time to time, indirectly engaged in the process of historical distortion. One example would be that of engaging in the rewriting of Korean history. Historians employed at the Research Department of the Southern Manchurian Railroad Company were ordered, in effect, to distort Korean history. The Historical Geography of Manchuria, Historical Geography of Korea, and Report of Geographical and Historical Research in Manchuria are products of such historiography. In The History of the Korean Peninsula (1915), the Japanese limited the scope of Korean history to the peninsula, severing it from relations with the Asian continent.
Although we can enumerate endless list of such examples further, above mentioned circumstances would suffice to show the historical context in which anthropology was introduced in Korea.

3. Anthropology in Colonial Korea

Anthropology, as a Western originated institution, was unknown discipline in Korea until the Japanese colonizer introduced it in the early 20th century. In nineteenth century, Japan was first to follow the steps of the Western modernization in East Asia. Meiji Japan was eager to learn and accept the Western science and scholarship, and a large number of Japanese scholars were sent to study in Europe and America. This naturally put Japan at the top of the list in East Asia, becoming a link in the formation of any discipline, including anthropology in this region.
To facilitate the annexation process and colonial rule, anthropology was introduced and practiced in Korea by the Japanese colonizers during the early twentieth century, as it provided useful means of collecting necessary data for colonial rule. The most practical source-materials collected, even before the official annexation, were history/archaeological materials as well as informations which reveals socio-economic life conditions of Koreans. The Japanese colonial government used archaeology, a sub-division of anthropology, to claim Japan's ancient domination over Korean peninsula, mobilized historians to distort Korean history, and carried out social survey to collect useful data for economic exploitation and political domination. In sum, the Japanese colonialists used anthropology and other related disciplines not only to collect necessary data on Korean's life conditions but also to create a false image of the backward state of Korean society and culture, because it was an utmost necessity to find a logic that can justify their taking over of neighboring country. A sample of the works produced by the Japanese during the early period of colonial rule which might have some relevance with the matter mentioned above were as follows: A Study on Korean Society (1910) by Japanese Military Police Headquarters in Korea; History of Korean Religions (1911) by Aoyagi; Folk Customs of Korea (1914) by Imamura.
In terms of institutionalization of anthropology in Korea, establishment of Keijo University was the most significant event. The education Ordinance of May 1924 established Keijo Imperial University and its preparatory school in Seoul. However, duties of Keijo university were overseen by the Governor-General of the colonial government, unlike most of the imperial universities in Japan where the Ministry of Education was the overseeing entity. Another similar ordinance was applied to the imperial university in Taiwan. This clearly indicates that those universities established in the colonies of Taiwan and Korea were directly linked to the goals of colonial rule. Consequently, the Governor-General exercised great influences over the colonial universities since the instructors and faculty at these universities were registered as Governor-General's staff.
At Keijo Imperial University, an 〈Institute of Religious Studies and Sociology〉 was created in 1926, and a sociologist who had some anthropological training, named Akiba Takashi was appointed to be in charge of the religious studies. As the colonial expansion into the Continent Asia progressed, the 〈Manchuria and Mongolia Culture Research Society〉 was established in 1933 at the university. Such a move strongly suggest that, from Japanese point of view, Colonial Korea was widely seen as a bridge to the continent. To put it in a different words, colonial expansion and anthropological endeavors were closely linked to each other. Later Akiba was joined by a Physical anthropologist named Imamura Yutaka who served as a professor in the department of anatomy and also a trustee of the Japanese Anthropological Association. Another appointee was Akiba's own student Izumi Seiichi. Although institutional framework for anthropological research and training was established by creating university, it is worthy to note that, at Keijo university, the bulk of both professors and students were always Japanese. When the university opened in 1926, only five of 57 professors and 47 of 150 students were Korean. In 1941, only one of 140 professors and 216 of 611 students were Korean. The record shows that there was no Korean graduates majoring in anthropology from Keijo Imperial University.

Anthropology is often referred to as 'the study of other cultures.' Hence many foreign anthropologists have chosen Korea as their field of study. Among the foreign anthropologists who have studied Korea and Korean culture, Japanese anthropologists have been the dominant majority.<br/> On account of geo-political reasons, Japan has a long history of studying the Korean peninsula. Most of the studies done before 1945 were carried out in connection with Japan's colonial expansion. To aid the colonial rule, the Japanese colonial government initiated various studies on Korean peninsula. At first, these were limited to studies on geography and natural resources, but were later expanded to include history, society, and culture. It is only in recent years that Korean anthropologists have shown some interests on these materials. The first visible sign of this interest was to be seen at the 34th annual meeting of The Korean Society for Cultural Anthropology held at KangWon National University during May 31 - June 1, 2002. At the meeting, a session was specifically assigned to examine the nature of socio-cultural studies done by Japanese anthropologists and folklorist during the Japanese occupation. The underlying assumption in this session was that the Japanese imperial power used anthropology for controlling and dominating Korea, then a colony of Imperial Japan.<br/> Following the Second World War, the academic climate of Japan has changed. Since 1945, a new breed of anthropologists has been educated, and they have produced diverse and numerous anthropological studies concerning Korean culture and society. However, these numerous studies which have appeared since 1945 have never been the subject of systematic examination by Korean anthropologists, as most of such works were primarily circulated within Japanese academic circles. It is regrettable that no systematic attempt has been made to review and evaluate existing literature on Korean society and culture which was produced by the post-war generation of Japanese anthropology. Therefore, there is a critical need for research to examine these materials. The present book is a small step forward to deal with such research needs.<br/><br/> A group of anthropologists from Korea and Japan gathered during March 13-14, 2003 at Chonnam National University for a workshop entitled "Inter-cultural understanding through academic discipline of anthropology between Japan and Korea". This group exchanged ideas and opinions concerning the problem of cultural representation and the issues surrounding cultural understanding. After the workshop, some participants agreed to write a paper aiming at the examination and evaluation of Japanese anthropological studies on Korea. This volume contains the works of those anthropologists who kept their promises. The result includes five articles and an extensive bibliography of Japanese works on Korea.<br/><br/> Korean anthropologists, Hyup Choi and Kyung-soo Chun, focus their analysis on the colonial influence of Japan. As the disciplinary work of academicians should be considered as a part of socio-cultural products, the proper evaluation of the Japanese anthropological works during the colonial period inevitably invites consideration of colonial context. Kyung-soo Chun further deals with Japanese imperialism during the colonial era in relation with the discipline of ethnology - namely, anthropology in terms of methodology. <br/> Three Japanese anthropologists, on the other hand, deal mainly with post-colonial Japanese anthropology of Korea. Abito Itoh's paper deals with Japanese anthropology in terms of theoretical and methodological orientations in studying Korean culture after World War II. Hiroshi Honda attempts a retrospective reading of Chosen noson shakai tosaki (1944) written by Japanese sociologist Suzuki Eitaro so as to suggest other important research themes on the structure and composition of Korean local society. Honda's article presents a sort of reflexive point of view as a present-day Japanese ethnographer. Toshio Asakura's article is a comprehensive review of the books on Korea published after 1980 in Japan. He aims at identifying the aspects of Korean culture which have attracted a great deal of attention from Japanese intellectuals. Seiichi Matsumoto compiles a very extensive bibliography on Japanese publications concerning Korea in the fields of anthropology, ethnology, and folklore. Because of this comprehensive bibliography, this volume will serve as a good reference source book for those who are interested in any type of research concerning Japanese anthropological works on Korea.<br/><br/> This book is indebted to The Asia Research Fund as it provided financial assistance for the workshop held at Chonnam National University in 2003. Professors Mun-woong Lee and Kyung-gu Han who participated in the workshop also made indirect contributions through various discussions along the way. It is hoped that some of the theoretical and methodological issues raised by the authors in this volume will further stimulate more discussions among Korean and Japanese anthropologists, as it will certainly serve as a significant contribution to inter-cultural understanding through the academic discipline of anthropology between Japan and Korea.<br/><br/>June 3, 2013<br/>Hyup Choi